
I always wanted politics to stay out of my life. I wanted there to be sport, joy, and art. But at some point, I felt that harmony around me was broken, there was more evil. It required my intervention — I could not remain indifferent.”
I always wanted politics to stay out of my life. I wanted there to be sport, joy, and art. But at some point, I felt that harmony around me was broken, there was more evil. It required my intervention — I could not remain indifferent.”
On August 28, the Lenin District Court of Perm ordered the detention of Irina Faizulina, wife of civic activist and human rights defender Artem Faizulin from Berezniki. She will remain in pre-trial detention until October 15, 2025. The day before, security forces searched the couple’s apartment, seizing two laptops, three mobile phones, and all bank cards. According to her husband, Irina is suspected of transferring money to the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK).
At the investigator’s request, the court session was held behind closed doors. The presiding judge was Maria Yakutova.
Artem Faizulin, a former lawyer with Alexei Navalny’s Perm office, called his wife’s arrest “a perverse act of cruelty” and emotionally commented to Perm 36.6:
I desperately want to be there instead of her, but they don’t give me that opportunity… They could have found plenty of pretexts to lock me up. But they locked her up. Right now, I honestly don’t know how to live with this.”
The activist believes the authorities are using his wife’s arrest as leverage against him. Faizulin has previously been targeted by law enforcement. He was dismissed from the Interior Ministry for his sympathies toward Alexei Navalny, later became a human rights defender, and ran a channel monitoring repressive practices in Russia. He has collaborated with major rights projects, including OVD-Info, and also ran for local office, though unsuccessfully. His wife Irina had also been engaged in civic activism.
In a concerning development, Russia is intensifying efforts to militarize its youth by integrating military training into educational programs across the country. Children as young as eight are being subjected to military-style exercises, including handling firearms and explosives, under the supervision of war veterans. These activities are part of a broader initiative to instill patriotism and prepare the next generation for military service.
The Kremlin has also introduced a new school curriculum that includes drone piloting and military tactics. A state-approved textbook titled Unmanned Aerial Vehicles: 8th and 9th Grades is now part of the national education system. This curriculum aims to train students in drone operations, which have become a significant component of Russia’s military strategy.
Furthermore, investigations have revealed that minors are being involved in the production of military drones. Teens are reportedly participating in assembling drones used in attacks on Ukraine, raising serious concerns about child labor and the ethical implications of such practices.
Human rights organizations and international observers have condemned these actions, viewing them as a form of indoctrination and a violation of children’s rights. The integration of military training into education not only endangers the well-being of children but also poses long-term risks to societal peace and stability.
The Guardian investigation reveals how children in Russia are being involved in the design and testing of military drones.
On August 25, 1968, one of the boldest actions of the Soviet human rights movement took place. On Moscow’s Red Square, a group of Soviet dissidents openly protested against the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the USSR and other Warsaw Pact countries.
The demonstration included poet and human rights activist Natalya Gorbanevskaya, physicist and social activist Pavel Litvinov, writer Larisa Bogoraz, poet Vadim Delone, philologist Viktor Fainberg, engineer Konstantin Babitsky, and student Tatyana Baeva. Their banners read: “For your freedom and ours” and “Hands off the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic!”
Known as the “Demonstration of the Seven”, the protest lasted only a few minutes before all participants were beaten and arrested. Five were sentenced to imprisonment, while two were subjected to compulsory psychiatric treatment.
The echo of their action reached across the world. The Prague newspaper Literární listy wrote at the time:
Seven people on Red Square — at the very least, seven reasons why we can never hate Russians again.
The participants themselves were fully aware of the risks. Larisa Bogoraz later stated: We wanted to show that there are people in the Soviet Union who think differently.”
Resistance was not limited to Moscow. In Perm labor camps, at least twenty individuals were later imprisoned for protesting the invasion of Czechoslovakia. Among them were Ukrainians Zoryan Popadyuk and Yaromyr Mykytka, who had been arrested in the Lviv region for distributing leaflets stating:
Do not believe the false statements of Soviet radio. The armies of the USSR, Poland, GDR, Hungary, and Bulgaria are aggressors, not defenders of socialism in the ČSSR. No one requested intervention. Soviet troops entered the ČSSR against the will of the people, the Communist Party, and the government, to install a puppet regime (Dubeček, Černík, Šmíd, and others were arrested). There were no threats to socialism or conservatism in the ČSSR. The occupiers act brutally toward protesting citizens, arresting intellectuals, composers, poets, and writers. Condemn the military intervention. Protest!
Leaflet of Zoryan Popadyuk. 1968. Ukraine
Every word written or distributed was treated as a crime, and every leaflet became a reason for prosecution.
The memory of the “Demonstration of the Seven”, of Ukrainian dissidents Zoryan Popadyuk and Yaromyr Mykytka, and hundreds of other prisoners of conscience remains alive today. Archives, museums, and human rights initiatives continue to preserve their stories as a reminder of the cost of freedom of speech and civic courage. Across the world, commemorations are held every year on August 25 in their honor.
For us, this is not only a historical date but also a reminder: even in the darkest times, there are people who refuse to remain silent. Their voice is the voice of a future where truth triumphs over fear.
Starting September 1, Russian kindergartens will officially launch the “Conversations About Important Things” program — patriotic lessons for children as young as three. The Education Ministry says the initiative will teach “family, friendship, kindness, honesty, and love for the Motherland,” but in practice it marks the spread of state propaganda into preschool classrooms.
The program will begin in 100 kindergartens across Moscow, Chukotka, the Yamalo-Nenets region, Perm Krai, Amur, Nizhny Novgorod, and Vologda — as well as in the occupied territories of Donetsk, Luhansk, and Zaporizhzhia. Education Minister Sergey Kravtsov told RBC that teachers will be tasked with instilling “respect for Russia’s culture and history” and shaping “worthy citizens of the country.”
In reality, such lessons have already been held. In October 2024, Putin personally endorsed the idea of “conversations” with preschoolers. Soon after, teachers in several regions reported holding patriotic sessions that included war veterans, poems about the “special military operation,” and campaigns to collect gifts “for soldiers.” On Constitution Day, children were even given portraits of Putin to take home.
Source: Important Stories
After a decade of meticulous work, the animated short The Unwritten Play has finally been completed. Directed by Irina Litmanovich and co-written with writer and journalist Viktor Shenderovich, the 15-minute film offers a rare fusion of theater and animation, featuring a unique artistic approach—a stage circle with flat marionettes.
The story captures a single day in the life of celebrated playwright and poet Alexander Volodin, weaving in metaphors and symbolism characteristic of his works. Audiences witness Volodin, a State Prize laureate, navigating bureaucratic absurdities and personal tragedies—a portrayal that reflects both the spirit of the era and the intimate struggles of the artist.
The idea for the film originated from Shenderovich’s book-album The 22nd Trolleybus and Other Etudes, where one chapter was dedicated to Volodin. Litmanovich, a student of the legendary animator Yuri Norstein, is renowned for blending humor with poetic depth, and here she paints a nuanced portrait of a 20th-century poet: a man without a sensational biography, yet deeply loved and admired for his integrity and talent.
The Unwritten Play has been selected for the Stop-eMotion (SeM) Days festival in Venice, celebrating the art of stop-motion animation. However, the film cannot be screened in Russia due to Shenderovich’s designation as a “foreign agent.”
Beyond its artistic achievement, the film is a powerful act of civic courage, reminding the world of the importance of freedom of expression and the protection of artists’ rights. Despite its restricted access at home, it resonates strongly with audiences worldwide.
For more on the film and its creators, visit Sever.Realii.
In August 2025, it became known that Russia’s Ministry of Education had circulated new guidelines that effectively turn teachers into surveillance agents.
The document, uncovered by independent outlet Verstka, instructs educators to monitor students’ behavior, beliefs, and even family backgrounds — and to share this information with law enforcement.
According to the manual, teachers are expected to:
The guidelines advise teachers to conduct informal interviews with “suspicious” students, check parents’ names against the Interior Ministry’s registry of monitored individuals, and involve police, prosecutors, and security services when necessary.
Students may also be “profiled” through tests and questionnaires assessing their knowledge of Russian, their self-identification, and their attitude toward nationality.
Human rights advocates warn that these measures formalize the role of teachers as informants, undermining trust between students and educators and fostering a climate of constant surveillance in schools.
The document was developed with input from the Federal Coordination Resource Center for Psychological and Socio-Cultural Adaptation of Foreign Minors, the Center for the Protection of Children’s Rights and Interests, and representatives of the Interior Ministry.
A rally in support of internet freedom will be held in Perm on August 16, with organizers calling on residents to speak out against a new law banning the “search for extremist materials,” the blocking of foreign social media platforms, and recurring internet shutdowns.
The demonstration, officially authorized by the city administration, is scheduled for 12:00 p.m. on Vedeneeva Street, next to building No. 87. The event is organized by the Perm branch of “Rassvet” (“Dawn”), a movement supporting Russian democratic activist Yekaterina Duntsova.
According to the organizers, they had initially applied for a central location on the city’s main esplanade, but officials rejected the request, allowing only a site on the outskirts.
Source: Perm 36.6 Against the War
A Russian teenager, Arseny Turbin, will celebrate his seventeenth birthday in a juvenile correctional colony in the Perm region, where he has been sentenced to five years in custody.
He is accused of distributing anti-Putin leaflets in 2023, allegedly under the direction of handlers from the Freedom of Russia Legion—a group banned in Russia. However, the schoolboy admitted to distributing them but told the court he acted out of his personal convictions, not at someone else’s behest. The FSB also claims that Turbin completed a “questionnaire in Telegram” to join a terrorist organization and sent it through an unspecified method—a claim Arseny denies.
Human rights defenders from the group “Support for Political Prisoners. Memorial,” after reviewing Turbin’s case, recognized him as a political prisoner:
The case against the minor Turbin is politically motivated and aimed at intimidating society as a whole.
It is often said in Russia that writing to political prisoners is merely symbolic, an empty gesture. But as many “prisoners of conscience” have said—and as Arseny’s mother confirms—letters from both loved ones and strangers help sustain them through the hardest days of confinement. We hope for active participation from residents of Perm Krai and all compassionate people.
Address for letters and cards to Arseny Turbin:
Турбину Арсению 19.08.2008 г.р.
Адрес: 614512, Пермский край, с. Гамово, ул. Свободы, д. 1, ФКУ Пермская воспитательная колония ГУФСИН России по Пермскому краю.
Please write letters, cards, and the address only in Russian.
Read more: The Arseny Turbin Case.
The Leninsky District Court of Perm has remanded Leonid Melekhin in pretrial detention. Previously, Melekhin was denied political asylum in the United States and deported from the country.
In Russia, a criminal case has been opened against the Perm resident under the article on justifying terrorism. The specific charges against him remain unknown. At the request of the FSB investigator, he is held in custody until September 25.
Leonid Melekhin applied for political asylum in the United States last summer after crossing the US-Mexico border but was refused. He spent several months in a US immigration detention center. After the court upheld the denial of his asylum claim, he was deported.
Before leaving Russia, Melekhin, an active civic figure, was repeatedly held administratively liable for participating in protest actions. In June 2023, he held a solo picket in Perm with a sign reading “Freedom for Navalny.” He was detained, taken to a police station for questioning, and then released.
In 2024, Melekhin was declared wanted and later added to the list of “terrorists and extremists” by Rosfinmonitoring.
Site “GULAG. History of one camp” is devoted to the history of Perm-36, the last political zone of the Soviet Union, and the Public Museum, which was created on the remains of this zone by a group of enthusiasts.
Nowadays the museum with all its collections, archives, expositions and exhibitions is seized by the officials from the Ministry of Culture of Perm region.
This project is an attempt to create a universal model of a museum, which exists only in the virtual space and enables almost all kinds of activities of a real museum: scientific, educational, expo-exhibition and excursion.
The initiator of the creation of this resource was the International Coalition of Museums of Conscience, created in 1999, one of the founders of which was the Public Museum “Perm 36”.
© Perm-36, 2023. All rights reserved.