
I always wanted politics to stay out of my life. I wanted there to be sport, joy, and art. But at some point, I felt that harmony around me was broken, there was more evil. It required my intervention — I could not remain indifferent.”

I always wanted politics to stay out of my life. I wanted there to be sport, joy, and art. But at some point, I felt that harmony around me was broken, there was more evil. It required my intervention — I could not remain indifferent.”
On August 28, the Lenin District Court of Perm ordered the detention of Irina Faizulina, wife of civic activist and human rights defender Artem Faizulin from Berezniki. She will remain in pre-trial detention until October 15, 2025. The day before, security forces searched the couple’s apartment, seizing two laptops, three mobile phones, and all bank cards. According to her husband, Irina is suspected of transferring money to the Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK).
At the investigator’s request, the court session was held behind closed doors. The presiding judge was Maria Yakutova.
Artem Faizulin, a former lawyer with Alexei Navalny’s Perm office, called his wife’s arrest “a perverse act of cruelty” and emotionally commented to Perm 36.6:
I desperately want to be there instead of her, but they don’t give me that opportunity… They could have found plenty of pretexts to lock me up. But they locked her up. Right now, I honestly don’t know how to live with this.”
The activist believes the authorities are using his wife’s arrest as leverage against him. Faizulin has previously been targeted by law enforcement. He was dismissed from the Interior Ministry for his sympathies toward Alexei Navalny, later became a human rights defender, and ran a channel monitoring repressive practices in Russia. He has collaborated with major rights projects, including OVD-Info, and also ran for local office, though unsuccessfully. His wife Irina had also been engaged in civic activism.
On August 25, 1968, one of the boldest actions of the Soviet human rights movement took place. On Moscow’s Red Square, a group of Soviet dissidents openly protested against the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the USSR and other Warsaw Pact countries.
The demonstration included poet and human rights activist Natalya Gorbanevskaya, physicist and social activist Pavel Litvinov, writer Larisa Bogoraz, poet Vadim Delone, philologist Viktor Fainberg, engineer Konstantin Babitsky, and student Tatyana Baeva. Their banners read: “For your freedom and ours” and “Hands off the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic!”
Known as the “Demonstration of the Seven”, the protest lasted only a few minutes before all participants were beaten and arrested. Five were sentenced to imprisonment, while two were subjected to compulsory psychiatric treatment.
The echo of their action reached across the world. The Prague newspaper Literární listy wrote at the time:
Seven people on Red Square — at the very least, seven reasons why we can never hate Russians again.
The participants themselves were fully aware of the risks. Larisa Bogoraz later stated: We wanted to show that there are people in the Soviet Union who think differently.”
Resistance was not limited to Moscow. In Perm labor camps, at least twenty individuals were later imprisoned for protesting the invasion of Czechoslovakia. Among them were Ukrainians Zoryan Popadyuk and Yaromyr Mykytka, who had been arrested in the Lviv region for distributing leaflets stating:
Do not believe the false statements of Soviet radio. The armies of the USSR, Poland, GDR, Hungary, and Bulgaria are aggressors, not defenders of socialism in the ČSSR. No one requested intervention. Soviet troops entered the ČSSR against the will of the people, the Communist Party, and the government, to install a puppet regime (Dubeček, Černík, Šmíd, and others were arrested). There were no threats to socialism or conservatism in the ČSSR. The occupiers act brutally toward protesting citizens, arresting intellectuals, composers, poets, and writers. Condemn the military intervention. Protest!

Leaflet of Zoryan Popadyuk. 1968. Ukraine
Every word written or distributed was treated as a crime, and every leaflet became a reason for prosecution.
The memory of the “Demonstration of the Seven”, of Ukrainian dissidents Zoryan Popadyuk and Yaromyr Mykytka, and hundreds of other prisoners of conscience remains alive today. Archives, museums, and human rights initiatives continue to preserve their stories as a reminder of the cost of freedom of speech and civic courage. Across the world, commemorations are held every year on August 25 in their honor.
For us, this is not only a historical date but also a reminder: even in the darkest times, there are people who refuse to remain silent. Their voice is the voice of a future where truth triumphs over fear.
A rally in support of internet freedom will be held in Perm on August 16, with organizers calling on residents to speak out against a new law banning the “search for extremist materials,” the blocking of foreign social media platforms, and recurring internet shutdowns.
The demonstration, officially authorized by the city administration, is scheduled for 12:00 p.m. on Vedeneeva Street, next to building No. 87. The event is organized by the Perm branch of “Rassvet” (“Dawn”), a movement supporting Russian democratic activist Yekaterina Duntsova.
According to the organizers, they had initially applied for a central location on the city’s main esplanade, but officials rejected the request, allowing only a site on the outskirts.
Source: Perm 36.6 Against the War
A Russian teenager, Arseny Turbin, will celebrate his seventeenth birthday in a juvenile correctional colony in the Perm region, where he has been sentenced to five years in custody.
He is accused of distributing anti-Putin leaflets in 2023, allegedly under the direction of handlers from the Freedom of Russia Legion—a group banned in Russia. However, the schoolboy admitted to distributing them but told the court he acted out of his personal convictions, not at someone else’s behest. The FSB also claims that Turbin completed a “questionnaire in Telegram” to join a terrorist organization and sent it through an unspecified method—a claim Arseny denies.
Human rights defenders from the group “Support for Political Prisoners. Memorial,” after reviewing Turbin’s case, recognized him as a political prisoner:
The case against the minor Turbin is politically motivated and aimed at intimidating society as a whole.

It is often said in Russia that writing to political prisoners is merely symbolic, an empty gesture. But as many “prisoners of conscience” have said—and as Arseny’s mother confirms—letters from both loved ones and strangers help sustain them through the hardest days of confinement. We hope for active participation from residents of Perm Krai and all compassionate people.
Address for letters and cards to Arseny Turbin:
Турбину Арсению 19.08.2008 г.р.
Адрес: 614512, Пермский край, с. Гамово, ул. Свободы, д. 1, ФКУ Пермская воспитательная колония ГУФСИН России по Пермскому краю.
Please write letters, cards, and the address only in Russian.
Read more: The Arseny Turbin Case.
A unique collection of documentary videos from the Lenta.doc project has been restored and made publicly accessible, offering a rare glimpse into some of the most significant moments of Russia’s recent history. The archive includes footage of Alexei Navalny and the fabricated “Kirovles” case, the mass protests on Bolotnaya Square, the Pussy Riot trial, and other landmark events of 2013–2014.
Lenta.doc was originally produced for the independent news outlet Lenta.ru by filmmakers Alexander Rastorguev and Pavel Kostomarov together with journalist Alexei Pivovarov. After the newsroom was purged in 2014, the new management deleted the entire section with its videos. Several years later, Alexander Rastorguev was killed while filming an investigation about the Wagner Group in Africa.
Now, thanks to a joint effort by Meduza and RIMA (a project dedicated to preserving the heritage of Russian-language media), the archive has been brought back online — as a tribute both to Rastorguev and to a Russia that no longer exists.
So far, 240 videos have been published. They survived thanks to the personal hard drive of former Lenta.ru editor-in-chief Galina Timchenko. Archivists at RIMA digitized the materials, catalogued them, and restored their chronology and context. For ease of navigation, the videos are organized into thematic collections.
The archive features:
For more information about the archive and its creators, see Meduza and visit the Lenta.doc archive.
The Leninsky District Court of Perm has remanded Leonid Melekhin in pretrial detention. Previously, Melekhin was denied political asylum in the United States and deported from the country.
In Russia, a criminal case has been opened against the Perm resident under the article on justifying terrorism. The specific charges against him remain unknown. At the request of the FSB investigator, he is held in custody until September 25.
Leonid Melekhin applied for political asylum in the United States last summer after crossing the US-Mexico border but was refused. He spent several months in a US immigration detention center. After the court upheld the denial of his asylum claim, he was deported.
Before leaving Russia, Melekhin, an active civic figure, was repeatedly held administratively liable for participating in protest actions. In June 2023, he held a solo picket in Perm with a sign reading “Freedom for Navalny.” He was detained, taken to a police station for questioning, and then released.
In 2024, Melekhin was declared wanted and later added to the list of “terrorists and extremists” by Rosfinmonitoring.
Dzerzhinsky District Court of Perm has arrested former director of the PERMM Museum of Contemporary Art, Nailya Allakhverdieva, in absentia. She has been placed on the international wanted list, Meduza reported today.
A criminal case for insulting the religious feelings of believers (Part 1 of Article 148 of the Russian Criminal Code), triggered by several works from the museum’s collection, was opened against the ex-director of PERMM in March this year. According to the investigation, Nailya Allakhverdieva “understood that the works might offend believers, yet allowed their free display.” Notably, these works include Tatiana Anoshina’s Blue Cities, Sergey Gorshkov’s Angel with a Trumpet, and Konstantin Zvezdochetov’s Paradisi, which were exhibited at the museum in 2011–2012.
Everyone in Perm — young and old alike — knows that since almost the museum’s inception, Nailya Allakhverdieva has been the brain and driving force behind the unique PERMM project, renowned far beyond Perm and Russia for its avant-garde creative art practices. Thanks to her, PERMM is not some provincial institution but one of Russia’s leading museums in its field. How is the news of Nailya Allakhverdieva being declared wanted compatible with all this?! — co-founder of the “Perm-36” museum Tatiana Kursina reacted indignantly to the court authorities’ decision.
Nailya Allakhverdieva is a well-known Russian art manager, curator, artist, and laureate of the Sergey Kuryokhin Prize. She worked with the PERMM Museum of Contemporary Art for over ten years and became its director in 2019. In November 2024, she was subjected to a search in connection with a case involving the gallerist and PERMM co-founder Marat Gelman, who has been added to Russia’s registry of “terrorists and extremists.” In December of last year, Nailya resigned as PERMM director, stating she had “fully implemented her plans for the museum’s development.” Later, she left Russia.
The Perm-36 team expresses its strong support for our colleague, the talented art manager Nailya Allakhverdieva. Nailya, we are with you!
Photo: Evgeny Ivanov
The Perm Regional Court has sentenced 35-year-old photographer Grigory Skvortsov to 16 years in a high-security penal colony on charges of treason (Article 275 of the Criminal Code) related to a publicly available book about Soviet bunkers. His support group reported the verdict.
The prosecutor had requested an 18-year prison sentence.
Skvortsov denied the charges, calling them “absurd.”
The Perm resident was detained in November 2023. For a long time, his relatives did not know the nature of the accusations. In 2024, Skvortsov wrote in a letter from the detention center to the “First Department” that he was accused of treason because he allegedly gave the American journalist a book titled Soviet “Secret Bunkers”: Urban Special Fortifications of the 1930s–1960s by historian Dmitry Yurovkov. The book is based on declassified information about Soviet fortification structures.
Later, the photographer clarified that although the book was mentioned in the case, he did not give the journalist the book itself. According to Skvortsov, he found online schematics showing the locations of special facilities that had been publicly available for decades “with the connivance of the FSB and GUSP.” He noted that these schematics remain freely accessible on the internet. He also purchased from Yurovkov, the author of the work on bunkers, photographs of declassified archival documents included as additional materials to the book. These materials were promoted by Yurovkov’s friends in their blogs and in the Russian Newspaper.
In the end, Skvortsov gave the journalist the photos he bought from Yurovkov and the schematics he found online. He said he intended to share this information with the public but, after learning about the authorities’ interest, forbade the journalist from publishing the data.
“The investigator ignored my testimony that I did not use the book itself, only the additional materials. He still sent the book for examination, not the electronic document,” the photographer said. According to him, the investigator claims that Skvortsov himself created the “electronic schematic” rather than finding a ready-made plan showing the locations of special sites.
The photographer reported that after his arrest, security forces beat him, forced him to say on camera whom he had sent the data to, and themselves “suggested” the journalist’s name. Skvortsov also said they extracted passwords for his devices from him.
Grigory Skvortsov is an opponent of the war. During the investigation, he was held in the Moscow pretrial detention center SIZO-2 “Lefortovo.”
Source: OVD-Info
Additional information: BBC
A working cell in a barracks in a special regime area: a cramped room with damp walls, dim overhead light. There are several machines in the cell, on which people in respirators work: there is no ventilation here and there is nothing to breathe. People make terminals for electric irons: triangular panels are cut out of textolite on a press, threaded into them, electrical contacts are pressed into the panel. Manually assemble a circuit from conductive elements. Then their products will go to the Lysvensky turbogenerator plant, which, along with turbogenerators, also produces consumer goods – by the forces of the convict.
Clamps, produced in the 70-80s on the territory of the Perm-35 and Perm-36, were found in the special regime zone already in those years when the camp was closed, and a team of enthusiasts explored its territory in order to open here is a public museum of the history of political repressions. And these small objects, hardly distinguishable without a magnifying glass, became a large and incriminating evidence of the inhuman conditions in which political prisoners were kept and worked.
“Everyone was given a job that was more difficult for him: if he had poor eyesight, then they were given something that needed to be well examined – some small details; those who have a sore hand – they were forced to work with this hand all the time,” recalled Oles Shevchenko, a Ukrainian journalist and human rights activist who ended up in Perm-36 in 1980 for publishing the “Ukrainsky Vestnik” and distributing other “materials of anti-Soviet content” . His job was to take a piece of bronze with pliers and press it against a spinning drill that cut the threads. Eight hours of daily monotonous labor with the same hand. According to Shevchenko, every morning his right hand was larger than his left. His compatriot, Vasily Ovsienko, worked on assembling the electric cord of the future iron with a contact socket: “You take this screw, you get into this washer, you still have a screwdriver in your hand, and you need to bait here, you need to do so many movements. And then, when I did the whole bundle, several bundles … I threw it here and take the next one. It wasn’t very difficult for me, but I had to work hard to get it done. It was very difficult for some people… There were old people who could not see well.”
Ovsienko recalls how the humiliating and exhausting camp labor was given to Gunars Astra, a human rights activist and fighter against the Soviet regime in Latvia: “Astra, such a huge human being, he has such a loose body that his fingers were always bloody, always wounded. Those big fingers, those little cogs, they were also prickly, and his fingers were always wounded. He suffered a lot from it.”
The production rates, as the former inmates say, were monstrous, so no one could cope with the plan. They were set by the factory raters and corresponded to the factory ones – that is, those that were performed by free people in more suitable conditions for this. From time to time the rates have been raised. For example, in an assembly operation: using a semi-automatic screwdriver to turn three or four three-millimeter screws, two of which still have a cord attached – the prisoners had to produce more than 700 parts per day, that is, one and a half parts per minute! Failure to comply with the norms was the most universal reason for intra-camp repressions: deprivation of a “stall”, a date, and placement in a punishment cell.
Small clamps, the production of which imprisoned the eyesight and undermined their health, the prisoners of the Perm political zone, are one of the few well-preserved exhibits of the Perm-36 public museum. If they had remained at the disposal of the current administration of the museum complex, perhaps they would have met the same fate as many other objects of the fund: they would actually lie on the ground again, rapidly collapsing under the influence of humidity and temperature changes. But while the artifacts are alive, their history is alive – our memory of times that should not be repeated is also alive.
Site “GULAG. History of one camp” is devoted to the history of Perm-36, the last political zone of the Soviet Union, and the Public Museum, which was created on the remains of this zone by a group of enthusiasts.
Nowadays the museum with all its collections, archives, expositions and exhibitions is seized by the officials from the Ministry of Culture of Perm region.
This project is an attempt to create a universal model of a museum, which exists only in the virtual space and enables almost all kinds of activities of a real museum: scientific, educational, expo-exhibition and excursion.
The initiator of the creation of this resource was the International Coalition of Museums of Conscience, created in 1999, one of the founders of which was the Public Museum “Perm 36”.
© Perm-36, 2023. All rights reserved.